| 太史公读《秦记》,至犬戎败幽王,周东徙洛邑,秦襄公始封为诸侯,作西畤用事上帝,僭端见矣。 |
太史公研读《秦纪》,见其中记载犬戎部族击败并杀死周幽王,周王室向东迁都至洛邑,秦襄公因护送平王有功被封为诸侯,还建造西畤来供奉天帝,便觉得这已有僭越的迹象。 |
When as Grand Historian I read the annals of Qin, I came to the time when the Dog Rong defeated King You, the Zhou dynasty moved its capital east to Luoyang, and Duke Xiang of Qin was enfeoffed as one of the feudal lords. He established the Altar of the West, using it to sacrifice to the Lord on High. Here one can see the beginnings of usurpation. |
| 《礼》曰:“天子祭天地,诸侯祭其域内名山大川。” |
《礼经》有云:“天子才有资格祭祀天地,诸侯只能祭祀封地中的名山大川。” |
For the Book of Rites says: "The Son of Heaven sacrifices to heaven and earth, the feudal lords sacrifice to the famous mountains and major rivers within their domains." |
| 今秦杂戎翟之俗,先暴戾,后仁义,位在藩臣而臚于郊祀。君子惧焉。 |
当时秦国混杂着西戎北狄的民风习俗,把凶暴乖戾放在首位,将仁德道义置于次位,身处捍卫王室的臣属之列,祭祀规格却与天子平起平坐,有识之士无不深感忧惧。 |
Qin’s customs were mixed with those of the Rong and Di barbarians. It put violence and cruelty first and benevolence and righteousness last, and though it occupied the position of a vassal state, it carried out suburban sacrifices in the manner of the Son of Heaven. It is enough to fill a gentleman with fear! |
| 及文公逾陇,攘夷狄,尊陈宝,营岐雍之间。 |
到了秦文公时期,他越过陇坂,击败夷狄,祭祀陈宝,开拓了从岐山到雍地的区域。 |
Later Duke Wen advanced beyond Long and drove back the Yi and Di barbarians, paid honour to the Treasures of Chen, and set up his capital between Mt. Qi and Yong. |
| 而穆公修政,东竟至河,则与齐桓、晋文中国侯伯侔矣。 |
秦穆公整饬政务,将秦国边境向东扩展至黄河西岸,与齐桓公、晋文公等中原霸主不相上下。 |
Duke Mu applied himself to government and extended his territory east to the Yellow River, becoming an equal of the lords of the Central Kingdom such as Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin. |
| 是后陪臣执政,大夫世禄;六卿擅晋权,征伐会盟,威重于诸侯。 |
此后,家臣把持国政,大夫们世代享有俸禄,六卿独掌晋国大权,无论征伐还是会盟,威势都凌驾于其他诸侯之上。 |
After this, government passed into the hands of the ministerial families, the grandees held their posts for generation after generation, and the six high ministers of Jin usurped authority, carrying out punitive expeditions and meeting to conclude oaths of alliance, their authority outweighing that of the feudal rulers. |
| 及田常杀简公而相齐国,诸侯晏然弗讨,海内争于战功矣。 |
待田常杀死齐简公后自任齐相,诸侯们都无动于衷不加讨伐,这标志着天下已开始围绕保全本国军事实力展开争斗。 |
In time Tian Chang assassinated his sovereign Duke Jian and became prime minister of the state of Qi, while the other feudal rulers sat by passively and failed to punish him, until all within the seas were contending for military supremacy. |
| 三国终之卒分晋,田和亦灭齐而有之,六国之盛自此始。 |
最终韩、赵、魏三家瓜分晋国,田和也吞并姜齐据为己有,六国并立的格局就此形成。 |
So the three ministerial families in the end divided up the state of Jin among themselves, and Tian He wiped out the Qi ruling family and took possession of the state. This marked the beginning of the era when the Six States flourished. |
| 务在强兵并敌,谋诈用而从衡短长之说起。 |
各诸侯国的首要任务是壮大军事力量、吞并敌国,因此权谋诈术被广泛运用,合纵连横的学说也随之兴起。 |
All efforts were directed at strengthening arms and annexing rivals. Plots and deceptions came into use, and men appeared who argued for the vertical or horizontal alliances or pointed out the strong or weak points of such alliances. |
| 矫称蜂出,誓盟不信,虽置质剖符犹不能约束也。 |
各类假托王命的诸侯纷纷出现,誓约盟约不再被遵守,即便各国互派人质、剖符为证,也无法相互约束。 |
False titles sprang up like bees, vows and covenants could not be trusted, and though men exchanged hostages and split tallies, there was no way to enforce promises and agreements. |
| 秦始小国僻远,诸夏宾之,比于戎翟,至献公之后常雄诸侯。 |
秦国起初只是偏远小国,中原诸侯都排斥它,甚至将其等同于西方戎翟。但从献公之后,便在诸侯中称雄。 |
Qin began as a small state situated in a far-off region, shunned by the Xia lineage states and classed with the Rong and Di barbarians. But after the time of Duke Xian, it was always a leader among the feudal rulers. |
| 论秦之德义不如鲁卫之暴戾者,量秦之兵不如三晋之强也,然卒并天下,非必险固便形势利也,盖若天所助焉。 |
论秦国的德义,还比不上鲁卫两国中那些凶暴乖戾之徒;算秦国的兵力,也不如三晋强盛,可最终秦国却吞并天下,这未必是因为秦国有天险可依、攻守便利、地理形势优越,而仿佛是上天的佑助。 |
Qin at its most virtuous and righteous could not compare to Lu and Wei at their most violent and cruel, and its military strength was no match for that of the Three Jin states. Yet in the end it united the whole world under its rule. This was not necessarily due to its mountain barriers or the advantages of its geographic situation. Rather it was as though Heaven had aided it. |
| 或曰“东方物所始生,西方物之成孰”。夫作事者必于东南,收功实者常于西北。 |
有一种说法是:“东方是万物萌生的起点,西方是万物最终成熟的所在。” 由此来看,开创事业的人必定出自东南,获取胜利果实的人往往在西北。 |
It is sometimes said that things first come to life in the east and reach their fulfilment in the west. The beginning of an undertaking invariably occurs in the southeast, and the reaping of rewards always takes place in the northwest. |
| 故禹兴于西羌,汤起于亳,周之王也以丰镐伐殷,秦之帝用雍州兴,汉之兴自蜀汉。 |
所以大禹兴起于西羌,商汤崛起于亳地,周人建立王朝,是凭借丰镐为根据地讨伐殷商,秦国能成就帝业,是因以雍州为依托而日渐强盛,汉朝兴盛则始于巴蜀汉中。 |
Hence Emperor Yu arose among the Western Qiang tribes, King Tang had his start in Bo, the Zhou leaders became kings when from their capital at Feng and Hao they attacked the Yin dynasty, Qin became emperor by using Yongzhou as a base, and Han came to power from Han in Shu. |
| 秦既得意,烧天下《诗》《书》,诸侯史记尤甚,为其有所刺讥也。 |
秦国统一天下后,便焚烧《诗经》《尚书》,其他诸侯国的国史被焚毁得更严重,因为书中有讥讽秦国之处。 |
After the Qin had achieved its goal of unification, it burned all the copies of the Odes and Documents in the empire, along with the historical records of the various feudal rulers, numerous as they were, because they contained sharp criticisms of the Qin. |
| 《诗》《书》所以复见者,多藏人家,而史记独藏周室,以故灭。惜哉,惜哉! |
《诗》《书》之所以能重新流传于世,是因收藏者众多,而各国国史专门收藏于周王室,故而一下子全被毁了。可惜啊!可惜啊! |
The reason the Odes and Documents have reappeared is that many copies were stored away in people’s houses. But the historical records were stored only in the Zhou archives, and hence were all destroyed. How regrettable! How regrettable! |
| 独有《秦记》,又不载日月,其文略不具。 |
如今只有《秦纪》流传下来,却又没有记载日月,内容简略且不完整。 |
All we have left are the Qin historical records, though they do not record days and months and the text is sketchy and incomplete. |
| 然战国之权变亦有可颇采者,何必上古? |
但战国时期关于变通和应急的对策,也有很多可以采用的,为何非要上古的不可呢? |
Nevertheless, there are things worth noting even in the shifts of power of the Warring States period. Why must one learn only from high antiquity? |
| 秦取天下多暴,然世异变,成功大。 |
秦国夺取天下时暴行众多,却能随时代变化相应调整对策,因此成就了巨大功业。 |
Qin’s seizure of the empire was accompanied by much violence, yet it managed to change with the times and its accomplishments were great. |
| 传曰“法后王”,何也?以其近己而俗变相类,议卑而易行也。 |
经传中说:“效法后王。” 这是为何呢?因为后王离我们时代近,当代民俗的变化与后王时期相近,道理讲起来浅显易懂,容易推行。 |
A certain text tells us to "model ourselves on the rulers of later times." Why? Because they were closer to us, their customs and the happenings of their times resemble ours, and their ideals are lowly and easy to practise. |
| 学者牵于所闻,见秦在帝位日浅,不察其终始,因举而笑之,不敢道,此与以耳食无异?悲夫! |
普通读书人局限于日常听闻的那点东西,见秦朝帝位坐得短暂,不考察其发展的全过程,便因此讥笑它,不敢谈论,这和用耳朵吃东西有何区别呢?实在可悲啊! |
Scholars, influenced by what they have heard, see that the Qin occupied the position of emperor for only a short period, and they fail to examine the beginning and end of the matter. Hence they refer to the Qin only as an object of ridicule and decline to say anything more about it. This is as ridiculous as trying to eat with one’s ear, and lamentable indeed. |
| 余于是因《秦记》,踵《春秋》之后,起周元王,表六国时事,讫二世,凡二百七十年,着诸所闻兴坏之端,后有君子,以览观焉。 |
我于是依据《秦纪》的记载,接续在《春秋》之后,上起周元王,列表编排六国的大小事件,下至秦二世,共二百七十年,写出我所知晓的各种兴衰缘由,以供后世有识之士观览。 |
I have accordingly followed the Qin annals, beginning shortly after the Spring and Autumn period with the reign of King Yuan of the Zhou (476 - 469 BC). I have made a chronological table of the events of the Six States down to the time of the Second Emperor, a period of 270 years in all, recording the beginnings of success and failure as they have been reported. I hope in future times there will be gentlemen who will peruse my work. |